About 405 minutes
What America did — Text and Context
World Events
93,037 recorded words. 10 minutes difference from this book's estimate.
View Gutenberg source #72543This digital edition of The British Campaign in France and Flanders—July to November, 1918 — Story, Setting & Ideas is described by source-level measurements including 95,257 words, 6 hr 55 min estimated reading time, and 12 detected text sections.
The text analysis averages about 26.5 words per sentence, while the detected sections provide another way to judge how the source is divided.
Project Gutenberg metadata also associates the work with “World War, 1914-1918 -- Campaigns -- Western Front,” connecting these edition facts with the source record’s subject description.
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About 405 minutes
World Events
93,037 recorded words. 10 minutes difference from this book's estimate.
View Gutenberg source #72543About 427 minutes
World Events
98,065 recorded words. 12 minutes difference from this book's estimate.
View Gutenberg source #65044About 399 minutes
World Events
91,766 recorded words. 16 minutes difference from this book's estimate.
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Arthur Conan Doyle's narrative of the British campaign from July to November 1918 is organized as a sequence of army-level advances, each chapter tracking a specific force—Rawlinson's Fourth Army, Byng's Third Army, Horne's First Army—through dated phases. The prose moves methodically from one geographic objective to the next, often noting the hour of attack and the number of prisoners taken. Doyle repeatedly pauses to describe the physical state of German defensive works, such as the 'breadth and strength of the wire and the depth of the dug-outs and trenches' encountered after the breach of the Beaurevoir-Fonsomme line. This structural pattern, alternating between operational summary and localized detail, gives the work the character of a staff report written for a broad readership.
The book's chronology is built around a recurring sequence: an attack is launched at a specific hour (often 7.30 or 8 A.M.), villages are taken in order, and by late afternoon counter-attacks are repelled or positions adjusted. For instance, on September 30, Sequehart fell to the Thirty-second Division by 8 A.M., while by 3 P.M. Montbrehain was captured with '70 officers and 2000 men.' The narrative then notes a German counter-attack at 7 P.M., which regained a crest temporarily before being 'pushed off again after dark.' This pattern—morning assault, afternoon consolidation, evening counter-thrust—appears repeatedly, giving the campaign a diurnal rhythm that Doyle emphasizes by marking the clock.
Doyle devotes considerable attention to the material strength of the German defensive systems. After the breach of the Beaurevoir-Fonsomme line, he notes that officers 'were amazed at the breadth and strength of the wire and the depth of the dug-outs and trenches.' The Hindenburg Line is not merely a strategic abstraction but a physical structure whose destruction required coordinated effort. In the attack on the Beaurevoir line, the wire was so formidable that two battalions 'drew back and lay down while the guns were again turned on,' then rushed forward 'almost before the flying fragments of splintered wire had reached the ground.' These details ground the narrative in tactile reality.
Doyle frequently names divisions and their commanders, creating a sense of distinct units with specific reputations. The Forty-sixth Division (Midland Territorials) is described as 'utterly weary' after prolonged fighting, while the Second Australian Division advances with 'irresistible dash.' The New Zealanders are singled out for 'keeping their grip of Crevecœur in the north.' This attention to divisional identity—often with a brief adjective or phrase—serves to differentiate the many forces involved, turning the campaign into a mosaic of smaller stories. The historian, Doyle suggests, will later judge that 'the outflanking forces at either end'—the New Zealanders and the Midland Division—'stand pre-eminently out.'
Time is a central structural element. Attacks are synchronized across divisions: on September 30, the Thirty-second Division advanced at 7.30 A.M., and by 8 A.M. Sequehart had fallen. The Forty-sixth Division reached Mannequin Hill by 11 A.M., while the Australians were held up north of Montbrehain. Doyle tracks these parallel movements, noting when one flank is 'bare to enfilade fire' or when a brigade is 'drawn back to the western outskirts.' The coordination of infantry, tanks, and artillery is implied through timing: 'Sixteen tanks lumbered in front of the line of infantry.' The narrative itself becomes a timetable of the offensive.
Readers following the campaign's geography will benefit from keeping a map of the Western Front at hand, as Doyle's references to villages, hills, and defensive lines assume familiarity with the terrain. The book's value lies less in strategic analysis than in its detailed, hour-by-hour reconstruction of how divisions moved and fought. It is best read as a companion to the official histories, offering a contemporary view of the final hundred days from a writer who was both a popular novelist and a military historian.
Reading Conan Doyle’s meticulous account of the 1918 advance, I kept thinking how he tracks every division, every yard of wire, with the same patient care he once gave to clues. It made me recall that quieter, stranger book, Throttled! The Detection of the German and Anarchist Bomb Plotters — Context and Discussion, where the shadow-work behind the lines felt just as heavy as any battle. Both left me with that odd sense of history’s clockwork.
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